In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

In the rarefied world of the corporate board, a good network matters. _____ (1) often involves word-of-mouth recommendations: getting on a _____ (2) is easier if you have the right connections. New research suggests men use _____ (3) better than women.

Marie Lalanne and Paul Seabright of the Toulouse School of Economics _____ (4) the effect of a network on _____ (5) using a database of board members in Europe and America. They find that if you were to compare two executive directors, _____ (6) in every way except that one had 200 ex-colleagues now _____ (7) boards and the other 400, the latter, _____ (8) would be paid 6% more. For non-executives the gap is 14%.

The really _____ (9) finding concerns the difference between the sexes. Among executive-board members, women earn 17% less than their male _____ (10). There are plenty of plausible explanations for this _____ (11), from interruptions to women's careers to old-fashioned _____ (12). But the authors find that this pay gap can be fully _____ (13) by the effect of executives' networks. Men can leverage a large network into more senior positions or a seat on a more _____ (14) board; women don't seem to be able to.

Women could just have _____ (15) connections with members of their networks. "Women seem more inclined to build and rely on only a few strong relationships," says Mr. Seabright. Men are better at developing _____ (16) acquaintances into a network, and better at maintaining a high personal _____ (17) through these contacts. Women may, of course, also be hurt by the existing _____ (18) of men on boards and a male _____ (19) for filling executive positions with other men. But a tendency to think of other men first will be _____ (20) if talented women don't stay on the radar.

Marion Nestle's heavyweight criticism against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo in her Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning), published by Oxford University Press, comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas－in 2012 production was 23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms. Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30 gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.

Ms. Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten percent of Americans drink more than four cans a day.

Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms. Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidise corn production (and thereby corn syrup ) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.

Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; Coca-Cola is still one of the world's best-loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar-water. Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loath to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive－some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.

With the slow decline of soda in America, Ms. Nestle and her allies are advancing. Coca-Cola and PepsiCo are selling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long-term threat while maintaining near-term profits, they are still pushing their sugary drinks.

According to Paragraph 1, soda drinks _____.

Marion Nestle's heavyweight criticism against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo in her Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning), published by Oxford University Press, comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas－in 2012 production was 23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms. Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30 gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.

Ms. Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten percent of Americans drink more than four cans a day.

Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms. Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidise corn production (and thereby corn syrup ) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.

Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; Coca-Cola is still one of the world's best-loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar-water. Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loath to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive－some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.

With the slow decline of soda in America, Ms. Nestle and her allies are advancing. Coca-Cola and PepsiCo are selling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long-term threat while maintaining near-term profits, they are still pushing their sugary drinks.

The word "quibbles" (Line 1, Paragraph 2) most probably means _____.

Marion Nestle's heavyweight criticism against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo in her Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning), published by Oxford University Press, comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas－in 2012 production was 23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms. Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30 gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.

Ms. Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten percent of Americans drink more than four cans a day.

Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms. Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidise corn production (and thereby corn syrup ) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.

Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; Coca-Cola is still one of the world's best-loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar-water. Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loath to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive－some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.

With the slow decline of soda in America, Ms. Nestle and her allies are advancing. Coca-Cola and PepsiCo are selling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long-term threat while maintaining near-term profits, they are still pushing their sugary drinks.

Which of the following statements is true according to the text?

Marion Nestle's heavyweight criticism against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo in her Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning), published by Oxford University Press, comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas－in 2012 production was 23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms. Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30 gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.

Ms. Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten percent of Americans drink more than four cans a day.

Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms. Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidise corn production (and thereby corn syrup ) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.

Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; Coca-Cola is still one of the world's best-loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar-water. Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loath to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive－some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.

With the slow decline of soda in America, Ms. Nestle and her allies are advancing. Coca-Cola and PepsiCo are selling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long-term threat while maintaining near-term profits, they are still pushing their sugary drinks.

It can be inferred from Paragraph 4 that _____.

Marion Nestle's heavyweight criticism against Coca-Cola and PepsiCo in her Soda Politics: Taking on Big Soda (and Winning), published by Oxford University Press, comes at an odd moment for the industry. Americans are drinking fewer sugary sodas－in 2012 production was 23% below what it had been a decade earlier. Even sales of diet drinks are losing their fizz, as consumers question the merits of artificial sweeteners. From one angle, it would seem that health advocates such as Ms. Nestle have won. Yet in America companies still produce 30 gallons of regular (not diet) fizzy drinks per person per year. In many countries, particularly developing ones, consumption is on the rise.

Ms. Nestle says she would have no quibbles with sweet fizzy drinks if they were sipped occasionally. However, for millions of people in many countries, they are not. In Mexico companies sold 372 cans of fizzy drinks per person in 2012. About half of Americans do not drink them regularly, but those who do are disproportionately poor, less educated, male, Hispanic or black. Ten percent of Americans drink more than four cans a day.

Drinking a lot of sweet fizzy drinks is plainly unhealthy. One large study found that for each can added to a person's daily diet, the risk of diabetes jumped by 22%. There are also links between sugar and heart disease, stroke and cancer. Drinking lots of sodas imposes clear costs on individuals, Ms. Nestle argues, but it has a broader cost, too. American taxpayers subsidise corn production (and thereby corn syrup ) and let the poor use government food vouchers to buy fizzy drinks. More important, taxpayers foot the health bill for those who develop chronic disease.

Encouraging people to drink fewer fizzy drinks, however, is fiendishly difficult. Soda companies spend billions on marketing; Coca-Cola is still one of the world's best-loved brands, despite selling what is essentially fattening sugar-water. Once people get used to consuming sugary drinks, they are loath to give them up. There is evidence suggesting that sugar is addictive－some laboratory animals prefer sugar to cocaine.

With the slow decline of soda in America, Ms. Nestle and her allies are advancing. Coca-Cola and PepsiCo are selling healthier drinks, such as bottled water. However, as they try to face down a long-term threat while maintaining near-term profits, they are still pushing their sugary drinks.

The author's attitude towards Nestle's efforts is one of _____.

Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon, com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business- method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business- method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents? Despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.

Business-method patents have recently aroused concern because of_____.

Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon, com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business- method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business- method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents? Despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.

Which of the following is true of the Bilski case?

Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon, com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business- method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business- method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents? Despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.

The word "about-face" (Line 1, Para. 3) most probably means_____.

Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon, com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business- method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business- method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents? Despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.

We learn from the last two paragraphs that business-method patents_____.

Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called business methods. Amazon, com received one for its "one-click" online payment system. Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a technique for lifting a box.

Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on business- method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a broad review of business- method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known, is "a very big deal," says Dennis D. Crouch of the University of Missouri School of Law. It "has the potential to eliminate an entire class of patents."

Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the Federal Circuit itself that introduced such patents with its 1998 decision in the so-called State Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging Internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions. Later, more established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents? Despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly, some Wall Street investment firms armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.

The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market. The Federal Circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it wants to evaluate is whether it should "reconsider" its State Street Bank ruling.

The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the Supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April, for example, the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for "inventions" that are obvious. The judges on the Federal Circuit are "reacting to the anti-patent trend at the Supreme Court," says Harold C. Wegner, a patent attorney and professor at George Washington University Law School.

Which of the following would be the subject of the text?

Restoring the world's fisheries is really a no-brainer, says a new study published Monday in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences ( PNAS). A team of scientists from the University of California compiled a database of over 4,500 fisheries around the world, and after using various bioeconomic models, the authors found that health and productivity are not mutually exclusive when it comes to the world's fisheries.

"It is not a tradeoff between the needs of fishermen and the needs of fish," Douglas Rader, chief oceans scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund, tells The Christian Science Monitor in a phone interview Monday. "To have our fish and eat them too－it's remarkable."

"Applying sound management reforms to global fisheries in our dataset could generate annual increases exceeding 16 million metric tons (MMT) in catch, $ 53 billion in profit, and 619 MMT in biomass relative to business as usual," the authors explain in their study. "We also find that, with appropriate reforms, recovery can happen quickly, with the median fishery taking under 10 [years] to reach recovery targets. Our results show that commonsense reforms to fishery management would dramatically improve overall fish abundance while increasing food security and profits."

Rights-based fishery management (RBFM) optimizes economic value. In this approach , fishing quotas are set to ensure healthy population levels, and then in turn product prices increase (because of higher quality and demand) and fishing costs decrease (because of a reduced race to fish). And RBFM is realized through approaches like cooperatives, territorial rights, and individual transferable quotas.

All of these approaches give fishermen secure fishing rights. Under most current management systems, fisherman practice a "race to fish" competing with one another to catch as many fish as possible, taking fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce. Some governments have instituted individual quotas, but this creates a tense relationship between fisherman and regulators, and the men and women on the water lack a financial incentive to preserve the overall ecosystem.

"In contrast, in a catch share system (also called a fishing rights system), each fisherman is entitled to a percentage of the total allocated haul," explains National Geographic's Brian Clark Howard after his conversation with study author Amanda Leland." If the number of fish in the ocean rises, the number that can be caught can quickly be revised. That gives all fishermen an incentive to use best practices and patrol their own waters, says Leland, so everyone's piece of the pie gets bigger."

And this isn't exactly a new concept, says Rader. We've known the fates of fisheries and fisherman are interconnected, but this study proves that both financial and reproductive success, respectively, are possible.

What used to be the relationship between health and productivity concerning the world's fisheries?

Restoring the world's fisheries is really a no-brainer, says a new study published Monday in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences ( PNAS). A team of scientists from the University of California compiled a database of over 4,500 fisheries around the world, and after using various bioeconomic models, the authors found that health and productivity are not mutually exclusive when it comes to the world's fisheries.

"It is not a tradeoff between the needs of fishermen and the needs of fish," Douglas Rader, chief oceans scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund, tells The Christian Science Monitor in a phone interview Monday. "To have our fish and eat them too－it's remarkable."

"Applying sound management reforms to global fisheries in our dataset could generate annual increases exceeding 16 million metric tons (MMT) in catch, $ 53 billion in profit, and 619 MMT in biomass relative to business as usual," the authors explain in their study. "We also find that, with appropriate reforms, recovery can happen quickly, with the median fishery taking under 10 [years] to reach recovery targets. Our results show that commonsense reforms to fishery management would dramatically improve overall fish abundance while increasing food security and profits."

Rights-based fishery management (RBFM) optimizes economic value. In this approach , fishing quotas are set to ensure healthy population levels, and then in turn product prices increase (because of higher quality and demand) and fishing costs decrease (because of a reduced race to fish). And RBFM is realized through approaches like cooperatives, territorial rights, and individual transferable quotas.

All of these approaches give fishermen secure fishing rights. Under most current management systems, fisherman practice a "race to fish" competing with one another to catch as many fish as possible, taking fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce. Some governments have instituted individual quotas, but this creates a tense relationship between fisherman and regulators, and the men and women on the water lack a financial incentive to preserve the overall ecosystem.

"In contrast, in a catch share system (also called a fishing rights system), each fisherman is entitled to a percentage of the total allocated haul," explains National Geographic's Brian Clark Howard after his conversation with study author Amanda Leland." If the number of fish in the ocean rises, the number that can be caught can quickly be revised. That gives all fishermen an incentive to use best practices and patrol their own waters, says Leland, so everyone's piece of the pie gets bigger."

And this isn't exactly a new concept, says Rader. We've known the fates of fisheries and fisherman are interconnected, but this study proves that both financial and reproductive success, respectively, are possible.

It seems that the recovery of fisheries depends much on_____.

Restoring the world's fisheries is really a no-brainer, says a new study published Monday in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences ( PNAS). A team of scientists from the University of California compiled a database of over 4,500 fisheries around the world, and after using various bioeconomic models, the authors found that health and productivity are not mutually exclusive when it comes to the world's fisheries.

"It is not a tradeoff between the needs of fishermen and the needs of fish," Douglas Rader, chief oceans scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund, tells The Christian Science Monitor in a phone interview Monday. "To have our fish and eat them too－it's remarkable."

"Applying sound management reforms to global fisheries in our dataset could generate annual increases exceeding 16 million metric tons (MMT) in catch, $ 53 billion in profit, and 619 MMT in biomass relative to business as usual," the authors explain in their study. "We also find that, with appropriate reforms, recovery can happen quickly, with the median fishery taking under 10 [years] to reach recovery targets. Our results show that commonsense reforms to fishery management would dramatically improve overall fish abundance while increasing food security and profits."

Rights-based fishery management (RBFM) optimizes economic value. In this approach , fishing quotas are set to ensure healthy population levels, and then in turn product prices increase (because of higher quality and demand) and fishing costs decrease (because of a reduced race to fish). And RBFM is realized through approaches like cooperatives, territorial rights, and individual transferable quotas.

All of these approaches give fishermen secure fishing rights. Under most current management systems, fisherman practice a "race to fish" competing with one another to catch as many fish as possible, taking fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce. Some governments have instituted individual quotas, but this creates a tense relationship between fisherman and regulators, and the men and women on the water lack a financial incentive to preserve the overall ecosystem.

"In contrast, in a catch share system (also called a fishing rights system), each fisherman is entitled to a percentage of the total allocated haul," explains National Geographic's Brian Clark Howard after his conversation with study author Amanda Leland." If the number of fish in the ocean rises, the number that can be caught can quickly be revised. That gives all fishermen an incentive to use best practices and patrol their own waters, says Leland, so everyone's piece of the pie gets bigger."

And this isn't exactly a new concept, says Rader. We've known the fates of fisheries and fisherman are interconnected, but this study proves that both financial and reproductive success, respectively, are possible.

What can be the critical element in the rights-based fishery management?

Restoring the world's fisheries is really a no-brainer, says a new study published Monday in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences ( PNAS). A team of scientists from the University of California compiled a database of over 4,500 fisheries around the world, and after using various bioeconomic models, the authors found that health and productivity are not mutually exclusive when it comes to the world's fisheries.

"It is not a tradeoff between the needs of fishermen and the needs of fish," Douglas Rader, chief oceans scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund, tells The Christian Science Monitor in a phone interview Monday. "To have our fish and eat them too－it's remarkable."

"Applying sound management reforms to global fisheries in our dataset could generate annual increases exceeding 16 million metric tons (MMT) in catch, $ 53 billion in profit, and 619 MMT in biomass relative to business as usual," the authors explain in their study. "We also find that, with appropriate reforms, recovery can happen quickly, with the median fishery taking under 10 [years] to reach recovery targets. Our results show that commonsense reforms to fishery management would dramatically improve overall fish abundance while increasing food security and profits."

Rights-based fishery management (RBFM) optimizes economic value. In this approach , fishing quotas are set to ensure healthy population levels, and then in turn product prices increase (because of higher quality and demand) and fishing costs decrease (because of a reduced race to fish). And RBFM is realized through approaches like cooperatives, territorial rights, and individual transferable quotas.

All of these approaches give fishermen secure fishing rights. Under most current management systems, fisherman practice a "race to fish" competing with one another to catch as many fish as possible, taking fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce. Some governments have instituted individual quotas, but this creates a tense relationship between fisherman and regulators, and the men and women on the water lack a financial incentive to preserve the overall ecosystem.

"In contrast, in a catch share system (also called a fishing rights system), each fisherman is entitled to a percentage of the total allocated haul," explains National Geographic's Brian Clark Howard after his conversation with study author Amanda Leland." If the number of fish in the ocean rises, the number that can be caught can quickly be revised. That gives all fishermen an incentive to use best practices and patrol their own waters, says Leland, so everyone's piece of the pie gets bigger."

And this isn't exactly a new concept, says Rader. We've known the fates of fisheries and fisherman are interconnected, but this study proves that both financial and reproductive success, respectively, are possible.

The author's attitude towards the current practices of fishermen seems to be that of_____.

Restoring the world's fisheries is really a no-brainer, says a new study published Monday in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences ( PNAS). A team of scientists from the University of California compiled a database of over 4,500 fisheries around the world, and after using various bioeconomic models, the authors found that health and productivity are not mutually exclusive when it comes to the world's fisheries.

"It is not a tradeoff between the needs of fishermen and the needs of fish," Douglas Rader, chief oceans scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund, tells The Christian Science Monitor in a phone interview Monday. "To have our fish and eat them too－it's remarkable."

"Applying sound management reforms to global fisheries in our dataset could generate annual increases exceeding 16 million metric tons (MMT) in catch, $ 53 billion in profit, and 619 MMT in biomass relative to business as usual," the authors explain in their study. "We also find that, with appropriate reforms, recovery can happen quickly, with the median fishery taking under 10 [years] to reach recovery targets. Our results show that commonsense reforms to fishery management would dramatically improve overall fish abundance while increasing food security and profits."

Rights-based fishery management (RBFM) optimizes economic value. In this approach , fishing quotas are set to ensure healthy population levels, and then in turn product prices increase (because of higher quality and demand) and fishing costs decrease (because of a reduced race to fish). And RBFM is realized through approaches like cooperatives, territorial rights, and individual transferable quotas.

All of these approaches give fishermen secure fishing rights. Under most current management systems, fisherman practice a "race to fish" competing with one another to catch as many fish as possible, taking fish at a faster rate than they can reproduce. Some governments have instituted individual quotas, but this creates a tense relationship between fisherman and regulators, and the men and women on the water lack a financial incentive to preserve the overall ecosystem.

"In contrast, in a catch share system (also called a fishing rights system), each fisherman is entitled to a percentage of the total allocated haul," explains National Geographic's Brian Clark Howard after his conversation with study author Amanda Leland." If the number of fish in the ocean rises, the number that can be caught can quickly be revised. That gives all fishermen an incentive to use best practices and patrol their own waters, says Leland, so everyone's piece of the pie gets bigger."

And this isn't exactly a new concept, says Rader. We've known the fates of fisheries and fisherman are interconnected, but this study proves that both financial and reproductive success, respectively, are possible.

The text is intended to answer the question of_____.

What effect do violent media have on our behaviour? It's not a new question－in the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham wrote a book called "Seduction of the Innocent", which claimed that comic books were unnecessarily exposing children to violence and causing them to become delinquents. Although Wertham's methods and claims have since been called into question, similar concerns about the links between violent media, especially video games, and violent behaviour have been raised.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between playing violent video games and showing more aggressive tendencies, at least in the short term. For example, in a study, participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 minutes per day over 3 days. After playing the game, they then played a competitive task in which, if they won, they could blast their opponent with an unpleasant noise. The researchers found that participants who played violent games blasted their opponents in the secondary task for longer, which was interpreted as an increase in aggressive behaviour.

However, it also depends on the context in which these sorts of games are played. Another study showed that if participants were asked to play a violent video game with a positive goal in mind (for example, protecting a friend in a zombie game), they showed reduced levels of aggressive behaviour compared to participants who were asked to simply kill as many zombies as possible. In other words, it's not the simple act of playing violent video games that dictates whether they have a negative effect.

Context is an important factor when considering longer-term studies－in particular, what other factors may also be having an effect on behavioural development. A 2012 longitudinal study looking at the behavioural development of 165 teenagers over the course of 3 years found that when pre-existing emotional, family and social problems were accounted for, any aggression-increasing effects of playing violent video games disappeared.

As 'violent video game' is quite a broad concept, we're probably not capturing the subtlety of any effects in an adequate way at the moment. To really get an understanding of what's going on, we need to be looking more at the way in which these sorts of games are being played－for example, no one has yet really looked at if and how the multiplayer aspect of video games (playing in the same room together, playing online together) has any sort of effect.

So until there is more definitive evidence, it doesn't seem right to imply that there is a clear and known effect. And, it certainly isn't right to unconvincingly highlight links between video game use and violent behaviour whenever it is vaguely possible to do so. It detracts from figuring out if there is another underlying cause instead.

In Seduction of the Innocent, Fredric Wertham _____.

What effect do violent media have on our behaviour? It's not a new question－in the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham wrote a book called "Seduction of the Innocent", which claimed that comic books were unnecessarily exposing children to violence and causing them to become delinquents. Although Wertham's methods and claims have since been called into question, similar concerns about the links between violent media, especially video games, and violent behaviour have been raised.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between playing violent video games and showing more aggressive tendencies, at least in the short term. For example, in a study, participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 minutes per day over 3 days. After playing the game, they then played a competitive task in which, if they won, they could blast their opponent with an unpleasant noise. The researchers found that participants who played violent games blasted their opponents in the secondary task for longer, which was interpreted as an increase in aggressive behaviour.

However, it also depends on the context in which these sorts of games are played. Another study showed that if participants were asked to play a violent video game with a positive goal in mind (for example, protecting a friend in a zombie game), they showed reduced levels of aggressive behaviour compared to participants who were asked to simply kill as many zombies as possible. In other words, it's not the simple act of playing violent video games that dictates whether they have a negative effect.

Context is an important factor when considering longer-term studies－in particular, what other factors may also be having an effect on behavioural development. A 2012 longitudinal study looking at the behavioural development of 165 teenagers over the course of 3 years found that when pre-existing emotional, family and social problems were accounted for, any aggression-increasing effects of playing violent video games disappeared.

As 'violent video game' is quite a broad concept, we're probably not capturing the subtlety of any effects in an adequate way at the moment. To really get an understanding of what's going on, we need to be looking more at the way in which these sorts of games are being played－for example, no one has yet really looked at if and how the multiplayer aspect of video games (playing in the same room together, playing online together) has any sort of effect.

So until there is more definitive evidence, it doesn't seem right to imply that there is a clear and known effect. And, it certainly isn't right to unconvincingly highlight links between video game use and violent behaviour whenever it is vaguely possible to do so. It detracts from figuring out if there is another underlying cause instead.

It can be learned from Paragraph 3 that _____.

What effect do violent media have on our behaviour? It's not a new question－in the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham wrote a book called "Seduction of the Innocent", which claimed that comic books were unnecessarily exposing children to violence and causing them to become delinquents. Although Wertham's methods and claims have since been called into question, similar concerns about the links between violent media, especially video games, and violent behaviour have been raised.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between playing violent video games and showing more aggressive tendencies, at least in the short term. For example, in a study, participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 minutes per day over 3 days. After playing the game, they then played a competitive task in which, if they won, they could blast their opponent with an unpleasant noise. The researchers found that participants who played violent games blasted their opponents in the secondary task for longer, which was interpreted as an increase in aggressive behaviour.

However, it also depends on the context in which these sorts of games are played. Another study showed that if participants were asked to play a violent video game with a positive goal in mind (for example, protecting a friend in a zombie game), they showed reduced levels of aggressive behaviour compared to participants who were asked to simply kill as many zombies as possible. In other words, it's not the simple act of playing violent video games that dictates whether they have a negative effect.

Context is an important factor when considering longer-term studies－in particular, what other factors may also be having an effect on behavioural development. A 2012 longitudinal study looking at the behavioural development of 165 teenagers over the course of 3 years found that when pre-existing emotional, family and social problems were accounted for, any aggression-increasing effects of playing violent video games disappeared.

As 'violent video game' is quite a broad concept, we're probably not capturing the subtlety of any effects in an adequate way at the moment. To really get an understanding of what's going on, we need to be looking more at the way in which these sorts of games are being played－for example, no one has yet really looked at if and how the multiplayer aspect of video games (playing in the same room together, playing online together) has any sort of effect.

So until there is more definitive evidence, it doesn't seem right to imply that there is a clear and known effect. And, it certainly isn't right to unconvincingly highlight links between video game use and violent behaviour whenever it is vaguely possible to do so. It detracts from figuring out if there is another underlying cause instead.

The case of the 2012 study indicates that the conflicting conclusions about violent video games _____.

What effect do violent media have on our behaviour? It's not a new question－in the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham wrote a book called "Seduction of the Innocent", which claimed that comic books were unnecessarily exposing children to violence and causing them to become delinquents. Although Wertham's methods and claims have since been called into question, similar concerns about the links between violent media, especially video games, and violent behaviour have been raised.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between playing violent video games and showing more aggressive tendencies, at least in the short term. For example, in a study, participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 minutes per day over 3 days. After playing the game, they then played a competitive task in which, if they won, they could blast their opponent with an unpleasant noise. The researchers found that participants who played violent games blasted their opponents in the secondary task for longer, which was interpreted as an increase in aggressive behaviour.

However, it also depends on the context in which these sorts of games are played. Another study showed that if participants were asked to play a violent video game with a positive goal in mind (for example, protecting a friend in a zombie game), they showed reduced levels of aggressive behaviour compared to participants who were asked to simply kill as many zombies as possible. In other words, it's not the simple act of playing violent video games that dictates whether they have a negative effect.

Context is an important factor when considering longer-term studies－in particular, what other factors may also be having an effect on behavioural development. A 2012 longitudinal study looking at the behavioural development of 165 teenagers over the course of 3 years found that when pre-existing emotional, family and social problems were accounted for, any aggression-increasing effects of playing violent video games disappeared.

As 'violent video game' is quite a broad concept, we're probably not capturing the subtlety of any effects in an adequate way at the moment. To really get an understanding of what's going on, we need to be looking more at the way in which these sorts of games are being played－for example, no one has yet really looked at if and how the multiplayer aspect of video games (playing in the same room together, playing online together) has any sort of effect.

So until there is more definitive evidence, it doesn't seem right to imply that there is a clear and known effect. And, it certainly isn't right to unconvincingly highlight links between video game use and violent behaviour whenever it is vaguely possible to do so. It detracts from figuring out if there is another underlying cause instead.

In the author's view, the multiplayer aspect of video games _____.

What effect do violent media have on our behaviour? It's not a new question－in the 1950s, psychiatrist Fredric Wertham wrote a book called "Seduction of the Innocent", which claimed that comic books were unnecessarily exposing children to violence and causing them to become delinquents. Although Wertham's methods and claims have since been called into question, similar concerns about the links between violent media, especially video games, and violent behaviour have been raised.

There is some evidence to suggest that there is a link between playing violent video games and showing more aggressive tendencies, at least in the short term. For example, in a study, participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 minutes per day over 3 days. After playing the game, they then played a competitive task in which, if they won, they could blast their opponent with an unpleasant noise. The researchers found that participants who played violent games blasted their opponents in the secondary task for longer, which was interpreted as an increase in aggressive behaviour.

However, it also depends on the context in which these sorts of games are played. Another study showed that if participants were asked to play a violent video game with a positive goal in mind (for example, protecting a friend in a zombie game), they showed reduced levels of aggressive behaviour compared to participants who were asked to simply kill as many zombies as possible. In other words, it's not the simple act of playing violent video games that dictates whether they have a negative effect.

Context is an important factor when considering longer-term studies－in particular, what other factors may also be having an effect on behavioural development. A 2012 longitudinal study looking at the behavioural development of 165 teenagers over the course of 3 years found that when pre-existing emotional, family and social problems were accounted for, any aggression-increasing effects of playing violent video games disappeared.

As 'violent video game' is quite a broad concept, we're probably not capturing the subtlety of any effects in an adequate way at the moment. To really get an understanding of what's going on, we need to be looking more at the way in which these sorts of games are being played－for example, no one has yet really looked at if and how the multiplayer aspect of video games (playing in the same room together, playing online together) has any sort of effect.

So until there is more definitive evidence, it doesn't seem right to imply that there is a clear and known effect. And, it certainly isn't right to unconvincingly highlight links between video game use and violent behaviour whenever it is vaguely possible to do so. It detracts from figuring out if there is another underlying cause instead.

Which of the following would be the subject of the text?

Music comes in many forms; most countries have a style of their own. Poland has its polkas. Hungary has its czardas, Brazil is famous for the bossa nova, Caribbean countries for the merengue, and Argentina for the tango. The U. S. is known for jazz, a completely original type of music that has gained world-wide popularity.

(41)_____. Brash, uninhibited, exciting, it has a modern sound. In the 1920's jazz sounded like America. And so it does today.

The origins of this music are as interesting as the music itself. Jazz was invented by American Negroes, or blacks, as they are called today, who were brought to the Southern states as slaves.

(42) _____.

A band often accompanied the procession. On the way to the cemetery the band played slow, solemn music suited to the occasion. But on the way home the mood changed. Spirits lifted. Everybody was happy. This music made everyone want to dance. It was an early form of jazz. But there were other influences, too.

Music has always been important in Negro life. (43)._____.As these people settled into their new life in the plantations of the South, music retained its importance. In the fields, they made up work songs. Singing made the hard work go faster. And as the people were converted to Christianity, they composed lovely spirituals which have become a permanent part of American music.

(44) _____.

In fact, there was hardly any activity or social event that could not be set to music. Weddings, births, christenings, funerals, picnics, parades－all had their musical accompaniment.

After the American Civil War(1861-1865 ), the Negroes had gained their freedom and were ready for a new type of music, one that would preserve their musical traditions but be fast and happy to express their new-found freedom. They wanted something they could play as professional musicians for both black and white audiences. (45)_____.To be good, a musician had not only to remember his part but also to be able to invent new variations on the spur of the moment.

_____.

Music comes in many forms; most countries have a style of their own. Poland has its polkas. Hungary has its czardas, Brazil is famous for the bossa nova, Caribbean countries for the merengue, and Argentina for the tango. The U. S. is known for jazz, a completely original type of music that has gained world-wide popularity.

(41)_____. Brash, uninhibited, exciting, it has a modern sound. In the 1920's jazz sounded like America. And so it does today.

The origins of this music are as interesting as the music itself. Jazz was invented by American Negroes, or blacks, as they are called today, who were brought to the Southern states as slaves.

(42) _____.

A band often accompanied the procession. On the way to the cemetery the band played slow, solemn music suited to the occasion. But on the way home the mood changed. Spirits lifted. Everybody was happy. This music made everyone want to dance. It was an early form of jazz. But there were other influences, too.

Music has always been important in Negro life. (43)._____.As these people settled into their new life in the plantations of the South, music retained its importance. In the fields, they made up work songs. Singing made the hard work go faster. And as the people were converted to Christianity, they composed lovely spirituals which have become a permanent part of American music.

(44) _____.

In fact, there was hardly any activity or social event that could not be set to music. Weddings, births, christenings, funerals, picnics, parades－all had their musical accompaniment.

After the American Civil War(1861-1865 ), the Negroes had gained their freedom and were ready for a new type of music, one that would preserve their musical traditions but be fast and happy to express their new-found freedom. They wanted something they could play as professional musicians for both black and white audiences. (45)_____.To be good, a musician had not only to remember his part but also to be able to invent new variations on the spur of the moment.

_____.

Music comes in many forms; most countries have a style of their own. Poland has its polkas. Hungary has its czardas, Brazil is famous for the bossa nova, Caribbean countries for the merengue, and Argentina for the tango. The U. S. is known for jazz, a completely original type of music that has gained world-wide popularity.

(41)_____. Brash, uninhibited, exciting, it has a modern sound. In the 1920's jazz sounded like America. And so it does today.

The origins of this music are as interesting as the music itself. Jazz was invented by American Negroes, or blacks, as they are called today, who were brought to the Southern states as slaves.

(42) _____.

A band often accompanied the procession. On the way to the cemetery the band played slow, solemn music suited to the occasion. But on the way home the mood changed. Spirits lifted. Everybody was happy. This music made everyone want to dance. It was an early form of jazz. But there were other influences, too.

Music has always been important in Negro life. (43)._____.As these people settled into their new life in the plantations of the South, music retained its importance. In the fields, they made up work songs. Singing made the hard work go faster. And as the people were converted to Christianity, they composed lovely spirituals which have become a permanent part of American music.

(44) _____.

In fact, there was hardly any activity or social event that could not be set to music. Weddings, births, christenings, funerals, picnics, parades－all had their musical accompaniment.

After the American Civil War(1861-1865 ), the Negroes had gained their freedom and were ready for a new type of music, one that would preserve their musical traditions but be fast and happy to express their new-found freedom. They wanted something they could play as professional musicians for both black and white audiences. (45)_____.To be good, a musician had not only to remember his part but also to be able to invent new variations on the spur of the moment.

_____.

Music comes in many forms; most countries have a style of their own. Poland has its polkas. Hungary has its czardas, Brazil is famous for the bossa nova, Caribbean countries for the merengue, and Argentina for the tango. The U. S. is known for jazz, a completely original type of music that has gained world-wide popularity.

(41)_____. Brash, uninhibited, exciting, it has a modern sound. In the 1920's jazz sounded like America. And so it does today.

The origins of this music are as interesting as the music itself. Jazz was invented by American Negroes, or blacks, as they are called today, who were brought to the Southern states as slaves.

(42) _____.

A band often accompanied the procession. On the way to the cemetery the band played slow, solemn music suited to the occasion. But on the way home the mood changed. Spirits lifted. Everybody was happy. This music made everyone want to dance. It was an early form of jazz. But there were other influences, too.

Music has always been important in Negro life. (43)._____.As these people settled into their new life in the plantations of the South, music retained its importance. In the fields, they made up work songs. Singing made the hard work go faster. And as the people were converted to Christianity, they composed lovely spirituals which have become a permanent part of American music.

(44) _____.

In fact, there was hardly any activity or social event that could not be set to music. Weddings, births, christenings, funerals, picnics, parades－all had their musical accompaniment.

After the American Civil War(1861-1865 ), the Negroes had gained their freedom and were ready for a new type of music, one that would preserve their musical traditions but be fast and happy to express their new-found freedom. They wanted something they could play as professional musicians for both black and white audiences. (45)_____.To be good, a musician had not only to remember his part but also to be able to invent new variations on the spur of the moment.

_____.

Music comes in many forms; most countries have a style of their own. Poland has its polkas. Hungary has its czardas, Brazil is famous for the bossa nova, Caribbean countries for the merengue, and Argentina for the tango. The U. S. is known for jazz, a completely original type of music that has gained world-wide popularity.

(41)_____. Brash, uninhibited, exciting, it has a modern sound. In the 1920's jazz sounded like America. And so it does today.

The origins of this music are as interesting as the music itself. Jazz was invented by American Negroes, or blacks, as they are called today, who were brought to the Southern states as slaves.

(42) _____.

A band often accompanied the procession. On the way to the cemetery the band played slow, solemn music suited to the occasion. But on the way home the mood changed. Spirits lifted. Everybody was happy. This music made everyone want to dance. It was an early form of jazz. But there were other influences, too.

Music has always been important in Negro life. (43)._____.As these people settled into their new life in the plantations of the South, music retained its importance. In the fields, they made up work songs. Singing made the hard work go faster. And as the people were converted to Christianity, they composed lovely spirituals which have become a permanent part of American music.

(44) _____.

In fact, there was hardly any activity or social event that could not be set to music. Weddings, births, christenings, funerals, picnics, parades－all had their musical accompaniment.

After the American Civil War(1861-1865 ), the Negroes had gained their freedom and were ready for a new type of music, one that would preserve their musical traditions but be fast and happy to express their new-found freedom. They wanted something they could play as professional musicians for both black and white audiences. (45)_____.To be good, a musician had not only to remember his part but also to be able to invent new variations on the spur of the moment.

_____.

Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton’s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory framework.

(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail. Nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.

This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world's languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.

The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language-acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.

(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages. (50) Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lineage-specific and not governed by universals.

In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything－a single generative equation for all we see.

Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton’s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory framework.

(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail. Nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.

This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world's languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.

The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language-acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.

(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages. (50) Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lineage-specific and not governed by universals.

Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings.

Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton’s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory framework.

(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail. Nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.

This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world's languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.

The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language-acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.

(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages. (50) Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lineage-specific and not governed by universals.

To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton’s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory framework.

(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail. Nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.

This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world's languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.

The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language-acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.

(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages. (50) Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lineage-specific and not governed by universals.

The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Since the days of Aristotle, a search for universal principles has characterized the scientific enterprise. In some ways, this quest for commonalities defines science. Newton’s laws of motion and Darwinian evolution each bind a host of different phenomena into a single explicatory framework.

(46)In physics, one approach takes this impulse for unification to its extreme, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative equation for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification, given the dimensions and universes that it might entail. Nonetheless, unification of sorts remains a major goal.

This tendency in the natural sciences has long been evident in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification, for if all humans share common origins, it seems reasonable to suppose that cultural diversity could also be traced to more constrained beginnings. Just as the bewildering variety of human courtship rituals might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world's languages, music, social and religious customs and even history are governed by universal features. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural behavior arose and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive terms.

That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative study of linguistic traits published online today supplies a reality check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars in the light of two previous attempts to find universality in language.

The most famous of these efforts was initiated by Noam Chomsky, who suggested that humans are born with an innate language-acquisition capacity that dictates a universal grammar. A few generative rules are then sufficient to unfold the entire fundamental structure of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.

(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical approach to universality, identifying traits (particularly in word order) shared by many languages, which are considered to represent biases that result from cognitive constraints.

Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent more than 2,000 languages. (50) Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lineage-specific and not governed by universals.

Chomsky's grammar should show patterns of language change that are independent of the family tree or the pathway tracked through it, whereas Greenbergian universality predicts strong co-dependencies between particular types of word-order relations.

Directions:

One of your classmates will go to Canada to start his further study in the University of Toronto, which your friend David is attending. Write a letter to David to introduce him.
You should write about 100 words on the ANSWER SHEET.

Do not sign your name at the end of the letter. Use "Li Ming" instead.

Do not write the address.

Directions:

Write an essay of 160-200 words based on the following drawing. In your essay, you should

1) describe the drawing briefly.

2) explain its intended meaning, and

3) give your comments.

You should write neatly on the ANSWER SHEET.