There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things.

What mix of motives-internal or instrumental or both-is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success.

We analyzed data drawn from 11,320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United StatesMilitary Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army.

How did the cadets fare, years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point?

We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military(as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)

than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service.

Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military.

Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success.

There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to "money for college," "career training" or "seeing the world" will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning, financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.

According to the passage, which of the following is an internal motive for a newly recruited soldier?

There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things.

What mix of motives-internal or instrumental or both-is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success.

We analyzed data drawn from 11,320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United StatesMilitary Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army.

How did the cadets fare, years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point?

We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military(as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)

than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service.

Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military.

Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success.

There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to "money for college," "career training" or "seeing the world" will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning, financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.

Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word "cadets" in Paragraph 3?

There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things.

What mix of motives-internal or instrumental or both-is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success.

We analyzed data drawn from 11,320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United StatesMilitary Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army.

How did the cadets fare, years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point?

We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military(as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)

than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service.

Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military.

Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success.

There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to "money for college," "career training" or "seeing the world" will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning, financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.

According to the passage, which of the following is conducive to career success?

There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things.

What mix of motives-internal or instrumental or both-is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success.

We analyzed data drawn from 11,320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United StatesMilitary Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army.

How did the cadets fare, years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point?

We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military(as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)

than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service.

Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military.

Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success.

There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to "money for college," "career training" or "seeing the world" will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning, financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.

What do the writers disapprove concerning the current situation of attracting recruits?

There are two kinds of motive for engaging in any activity: internal and instrumental. If a scientist conducts research because she wants to discover important facts about the world, that's an internal motive, since discovering facts is inherently related to the activity of research. If she conducts research because she wants to achieve scholarly renown, that's an instrumental motive, since the relation between fame and research is not so inherent. Often, people have both for doing things.

What mix of motives-internal or instrumental or both-is most conducive to success? You might suppose that a scientist motivated by a desire to discover facts and by a desire to achieve renown will do better work than a scientist motivated by just one of those desires. Surely two motives are better than one. But as we and our colleagues argue in a paper newly published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, instrumental motives are not always an asset and can actually be counterproductive to success.

We analyzed data drawn from 11,320 cadets in nine entering classes at the United StatesMilitary Academy at West Point, all of whom rated how much each of a set of motives influenced their decision to attend the academy. The motives included things like a desire to get a good job later in life and a desire to be trained as a leader in the United States Army.

How did the cadets fare, years later? How did their progress relate to their original motives for attending West Point?

We found, unsurprisingly, that the stronger their internal reasons were to attend West Point, the more likely cadets were to graduate and become commissioned officers. Also unsurprisingly, cadets with internal motives did better in the military(as evidenced by early promotion recommendations)

than did those without internal motives and were also more likely to stay in the military after their five years of mandatory service.

Remarkably, cadets with strong internal and strong instrumental motives for attending West Point performed worse on every measure than did those with strong internal motives but weak instrumental ones. They were less likely to graduate, less outstanding as military officers and less committed to staying in the military.

Our study suggests that efforts should be made to structure activities so that instrumental consequences do not become motives. Helping people focus on the meaning and impact of their work, rather than on, say, the financial returns it will bring, may be the best way to improve not only the quality of their work but also their financial success.

There is a temptation among educators and instructors to use whatever motivational tools are available to recruit participants or improve performance. If the desire for military excellence and service to country fails to attract all the recruits that the Army needs, then perhaps appeals to "money for college," "career training" or "seeing the world" will do the job. While this strategy may lure more recruits, it may also yield worse soldiers. Similarly, for students uninterested in learning, financial incentives for good attendance or pizza parties for high performance may prompt them to participate, but it may result in less well-educated students.

What can be the best title for the article?

The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna，Duchess of Bedford，ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea.

The Duchess chronically experienced a "sinking feeling"（what we would term" low blood sugar"）in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.

Other royals immediately copied the Duchess，and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs，and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes，fine china，embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins，and silver tableware.

Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure.

The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea.

However，by April 27，1776，Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that“ the drinking of tea can now be indulged.”The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having "kettledrums"at 4 p.m."Kettledrums" was called that in connection with the term" teakettle." Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence.

A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley(Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman, Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time:" Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."

My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance(minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.

Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber, Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones(similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies.

Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carboload, but "when in England, do as the English do."

This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips(French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.

What can be inferred about the writer's opinion concerning what is served at the British tea time?

The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna，Duchess of Bedford，ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea.

The Duchess chronically experienced a "sinking feeling"（what we would term" low blood sugar"）in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.

Other royals immediately copied the Duchess，and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs，and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes，fine china，embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins，and silver tableware.

Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure.

The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea.

However，by April 27，1776，Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that“ the drinking of tea can now be indulged.”The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having "kettledrums"at 4 p.m."Kettledrums" was called that in connection with the term" teakettle." Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence.

A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley(Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman, Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time:" Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."

My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance(minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.

Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber, Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones(similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies.

Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carboload, but "when in England, do as the English do."

This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips(French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.

Which of the following is a typical feature of Victorian tea time?

The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna，Duchess of Bedford，ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea.

The Duchess chronically experienced a "sinking feeling"（what we would term" low blood sugar"）in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.

Other royals immediately copied the Duchess，and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs，and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes，fine china，embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins，and silver tableware.

Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure.

The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea.

However，by April 27，1776，Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that“ the drinking of tea can now be indulged.”The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having "kettledrums"at 4 p.m."Kettledrums" was called that in connection with the term" teakettle." Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence.

A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley(Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman, Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time:" Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."

My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance(minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.

Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber, Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones(similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies.

Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carboload, but "when in England, do as the English do."

This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips(French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.

Why does the author quote Maud Berkeley in the passage?

The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna，Duchess of Bedford，ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea.

The Duchess chronically experienced a "sinking feeling"（what we would term" low blood sugar"）in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.

Other royals immediately copied the Duchess，and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs，and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes，fine china，embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins，and silver tableware.

Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure.

The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea.

However，by April 27，1776，Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that“ the drinking of tea can now be indulged.”The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having "kettledrums"at 4 p.m."Kettledrums" was called that in connection with the term" teakettle." Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence.

A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley(Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman, Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time:" Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."

My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance(minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.

Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber, Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones(similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies.

Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carboload, but "when in England, do as the English do."

This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips(French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.

Which of the following is close in meaning to the underlined word" weary"in the last paragraph?

The ritual of English tea time is believed to have originated in the late 1700's when Anna，Duchess of Bedford，ordered that a plate of cakes be sent up to her with her afternoon cup of tea.

The Duchess chronically experienced a "sinking feeling"（what we would term" low blood sugar"）in the late afternoon. To tide her over the long hours between meals she turned to carbohydrates.

Other royals immediately copied the Duchess，and afternoon tea parties became quite fashionable. Low tables were set up in front of sofas and chairs，and the ladies found a new opportunity to show off pretty clothes，fine china，embroidered linen tablecloths and napkins，and silver tableware.

Tea time was also the time to exchange juicy gossip and serve refreshments. Soon darling little sandwiches and sweet pastries as well as scones were being arranged on decorative stands and plates for the ladies' pleasure.

The tea party mania quickly spread across the Atlantic where tea was already enjoyed as a beverage. This fondness for tea was later suppressed by the patriotic Americans during the era immediately preceding the American Revolution because of the unreasonable British tax on tea.

However，by April 27，1776，Congress announced in the Philadelphia Packet that“ the drinking of tea can now be indulged.”The custom of afternoon tea parties was not really revived in this country, though, until the mid-1800's, when Victorian ways were in vogue here. Leisure-class American ladies began having "kettledrums"at 4 p.m."Kettledrums" was called that in connection with the term" teakettle." Petits fours and other dainty delights were served amid Victorian opulence.

A Victorian diarist, Maud Berkeley(Maud: The Illustrated Diary of a Victorian Woman, Chronicle Books,1987) gave an anecdote concerning tea time:" Mrs. Barnes had out a lovely tea-cloth for her tea-party, worked all over with cyclamens and honeysuckle. Shoggie Boucher, unused to such dainty, contrived to slop his tea all over it. Thankful it was not I. As it was, my new feather boa, which I wore for the first time, got into my teacup, causing much alarm and merriment to all assembled. Lilian Black-Barnes was, as ever, strong in adversity and wrung out the offending object in the kitchen sink. Fear it may never be the same again, none the less."

My family, mother, and I were able to relieve some of that sophisticated elegance(minus the drippy boa) when we had tea at the Ritz in London. The Palm Court, an open area on the ground floor of the hotel, is a study in turn-of-the-century decor. Gilt statuary, palms, and other plants, and stylishly-set little tables beckon welcomingly under high-up, rose-tinted skylights.

Our waiter brought us a selection of finger sandwiches of smoked salmon, ham, cucumber, Cheddar cheese, cream cheese, and chives, or egg salad. Scones(similar to American biscuits) were offered with butter, and various preserves and jellies.

Along with this we were served Indian or China tea, and hot chocolate for my young daughter. Then the dapper waiter presented a vast tray holding many French pastries and cakes from which we could choose. After several teeny sandwiches and a couple of marmalade-coated scones, a chocolate eclair seemed to add carbohydrate overload to carboload, but "when in England, do as the English do."

This tea feast was served between 3:30 and 5:30 p.m. Around 10:00 p.m., we had regained just enough appetite to sample some fish and chips(French fries), and then we put our weary stomachs and ourselves to bed.

Which of the following is not employed in the passage?